Assembly constituencies · boundary file read 2026-09-29
Tigaon — assembly constituency no. 90, Haryana
This page is about the seat, not about whoever holds it. The seat is the part that outlasts an election: a member can be replaced and the record of the seat remains, which is the opposite of how our table is built — it holds one row per person and no history at all.
What the boundary file says about this seat
Every value below is the source file’s own, shown as it is stored. Nothing is translated, expanded or modernised.
- Seat name in the file
- Tigaon
- State in the file
- Haryana
- Constituency number in the source file
- 90
- Join key in the file
- ac_id 6090
- Category code in the file
- None. This layer carries no category attribute.
- Filed under the seat
- FARIDABAD (parliamentary constituency 10), as the assembly layer records it. Uppercase and bracketed suffixes are the source’s own; this value is for tracing the file, not a seat name to join on.
- Delimitation flag in the file
- Empty. The file flags 0 of its 90 features “Pre delimitation” and this is not one of them — the absence of a warning, not a confirmation that the boundary is current.
- Vintage the file claims for itself
- Pre-2014. The source still files Telangana assembly seats under Andhra Pradesh, which dates the scrape to before the June 2014 state split.
Who our record names on this seat
No row in our table names this seat, and for this layer that is true of every seat in it. Measured on 2026-10-02: our table holds 13 state_assembly rows, they are from thirteen other states, and not one of them is in Haryana — so 0 of these 90 seats match a row. The assembly tier is the one this site can say least about: the 13 rows it does hold are mostly chief ministers, which is what a scrape of prominent politicians produces, not a membership roll.
The member directory is searchable by name and by seat, and is the place to look for a member this page could not reach.
What this tier can and cannot do
This is a property of the seat rather than of its holder, which is why it belongs on this page and survives the holder. It is the same block the record pages show, with the same citations.
Member of the Legislative Assembly, Haryana Vidhan Sabha
Researched and citedApplies to Haryana · answers for one assembly constituency
What this seat can do
Sit as an ex-officio member of the GMDA Authority, where the assembly constituency falls inside GMDA's notified area. The Authority is chaired by the Chief Minister of Haryana.
Choose where the constituency's Vidhayak Adarsh Nagar Avam Gram Yojana money goes — one village or town, or several — in villages and in urban areas alike.
Submit a prioritised list of development works to the state government under the special ₹5 crore provision announced for the tenure of this assembly.
What this seat cannot do
Direct ₹5 crore a year. The ₹5 crore announced in the 2025-26 budget covers the whole tenure of the assembly, released as ₹1.5 crore, then ₹1.5 crore, then ₹2 crore, and the next instalment only after 70% of the previous one is used. The annual figure widely quoted for a Haryana MLA is this provision misread.
Put the whole ₹2 crore VANGY amount into one small village. Each village is capped by population: ₹50 lakh up to 5,000 people, ₹1 crore between 5,000 and 10,000, ₹2 crore above 10,000. No population criterion applies in urban areas.
Overrule GMDA. An MLA on the Authority holds one ex-officio seat among roughly nineteen, in a body the Chief Minister chairs.
Our reading of the cited provision, not something the source states
The money attached to the seat
₹2 crore per year
Vidhayak Adarsh Nagar Avam Gram Yojana (VANGY)
annual fund for one constituency
A yearly amount attached to the constituency under one scheme. The member recommends where it goes; the administration sanctions and spends it. Spent by the Rural Development Department, Haryana; the scheme is 100% state funded.
What we still do not know about this tier
- Who issues the administrative sanction for a VANGY work, and against what timetable. The departmental note we read does not say, and we found no VANGY guidelines document.
- Whether VANGY restricts spending to capital works. Nothing we read says it does, so we do not claim it — the MPLADS restrictions must not be assumed to carry across.
Haryana only. Every other state assembly has its own constituency-fund scheme with its own amount and rules, and we have researched none of them.
Reports inside this boundary
Held back during the election period
Nobody has recorded a check of the Election Commission's announcements, so this site does not know whether an election period is running. Unknown is treated as "in force". Comparative, aggregate and preference-shaped content about candidates is held back while that is the case, because publishing it inside a notified period can carry a prison term under the Representation of the People Act, 1951. Individual record pages, office contact details and the whole reporting and escalation loop are unaffected.
Counting residents’ reports per constituency is one of the surfaces this site freezes during an election period, so the page asks for permission rather than deciding for itself. The check was made at 2026-10-02T13:33:20.977Z. Every individual report stays open and visible on the map; what is held back is the per-seat total.
What this page cannot show you
There is no list of past holders here, and that is not an omission we can fill by writing one. Our `representatives` table has one row per person and no history: no table of terms, no row for a member who has left, and a start date recorded for nobody. The only history it has ever held is six rows marked not current, added after a person researched six members and found them out of their seats — which is the end of a term recorded without the term. So this page can tell you what our record says about the seat today and what it cannot vouch for; it cannot tell you who held the seat before, because the database has never held a departed member's term. A seat page is the surface that makes that gap obvious rather than invisible, and the fix is a holders table with sourced, dated terms — not a guess assembled from the row that happens to be here.
Counted on this request: 571 rows in the table, 0 with a start date, 4 with an end date, 0 marked current, 6 marked not current, and 565 saying nothing either way.
The boundary file’s own list of what is wrong with it
- The source README states: "There is some shift in the data" and "Some Assemblies Constituency Names seem to be incorrect or Missing". Treat a result as the approximate assembly segment, not as a confident single answer at street level.
- None of the 90 Haryana polygons carries source_status "Pre delimitation"; 524 of the 4,182 national polygons do. The six states the README names as pre-delimitation (Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand, Assam, Manipur, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh) are not in this subset.
- The source's DIST_NAME column is stale — it files Nuh, Ferozepur Jhirka and Punahana under Gurgaon district, which has been Nuh district since 2016. DIST_NAME is deliberately NOT carried into this file.
- Shape_Leng and Shape_Area were dropped: several rows store the DBF overflow marker "****" rather than a number.
- Coordinates rounded to 6 decimal places (about 0.1 m), far finer than the positional accuracy of the source.
Those are the file’s words, not ours. This join rests on seat names, and this file's own defect list says of them: "The source README states: 'There is some shift in the data' and 'Some Assemblies Constituency Names seem to be incorrect or Missing'." The parliamentary file prepared alongside it is blunter still — "Never on pc_name" — and our rows carry no constituency id of any kind, so a name is the only join available here too.